Marlaud
08-12-2004, 02:10 AM
In the neocon mag World and I, I have found this text from Paul Gottfried that its seemed very interesting because he mentions the Philo-Semitic tendency in Calvinism (and non-Lutheran Protestantism) and its tolerance toward the Jews. Werner Sombart agreed also with that, for both, Calvinistic Protestantism is the most Judaic form of Christianity and that is due to its biblical literalism. It seems then that the Christian Zionism's phenomenon is nothing new, but rather it goes back to Calvinistic Philo-Semitism.
What do you think about that?
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Protestant conviction and culture
Hart does not recall these historical facts without reference to a context. He knows that changes have occurred since the late eighteenth century, when over 98 percent of American society was Protestant. At the time, the small Catholic population, largely English and sprinkled with aristocrats, was predominantly in Maryland. Three-tenths of 1 percent of America's population consisted of Jews, almost all of them of Portuguese and Spanish antecedents. Though hostile to the Roman Catholic Church, Sephardic Jews profoundly respected Protestant Christians, who revered the Old Testament and who had given their coreligionists asylum in Holland and England.
Those circumstances conducive to a Protestant national culture in the early American republic began to disappear by the middle of the nineteenth century when immigrants from different cultural backgrounds came in increasing numbers. Perhaps the weakness in Hart's presentation is his failure to carry his conclusions far enough. Early America was not only Protestant in theological conviction but imbued with Protestant culture. Hart's extended quotations from the diary of George Washington provide a case in point. In his public statements Washington did appeal to natural religion in a thoroughly nondenominational fashion. But in private life and in personal writings, Washington, like Hamilton and Robert E. Lee, was a fervent Christian absorbed in meditation over Christ's atonement for his sins.
Hart notes that the founding of America took place amid Protestant religious awakenings, going back to the mid-eighteenth century. He is correct to infer that the fervor created by these awakenings rubbed off, in some cases, on the otherwise staid merchants, planters, and lawyers who established the American republic. He is also right to suggest that Protestant interests and Protestant theology pervaded their understanding of religious freedom. As dissenting (non-Anglican) Protestants, most of America's founders would have been excluded from holding office in England under the Test Acts. Moreover, a belief came to prevail among Calvinist Protestants that conversion, the result of divinely implanted faith, cannot and should not be demanded by the state. As this conviction grew widespread among American Protestants, they became increasingly reluctant to impose religious tests at the federal and, then, state levels. How could one expect another man to be redeemed by God simply by making such redemption the precondition for holding public office or owning property? The imposition of religious qualifications, from this Protestant point of view, was an invitation to personal dishonesty and spiritual hypocrisy.
All the same, even the most advanced orthodox Protestant advocates of religious freedom did not look forward to a secularized America. They assumed that the American people would remain attitudinally Protestant: committed to the enforcement of a biblically based public morality and to Protestant educational values, though not to the political imposition of any specific theological doctrine. Tolerance of Jews, for example, stemmed partly from the Protestant tendency to identify them with the ancient Israelites. Hart points to the charming confusion (without recognizing it as such) characteristic of Oliver Cromwell, Jonathan Edwards, and other Calvinists drenched in the Bible who associated modern Jews with the people of Moses, David, and Jesus. Though American Jews suffered political disabilities (as non-Protestants) until the 1840s in some states, they were not subject to public expressions of dislike. And they were viewed as culturally compatible with the descendants of the Puritans, who had tried at one time to make Hebrew their official language and who had taken Old Testament names. It was in fact Protestantism, Hart observes, that influenced some Jews to prefer America over Catholic Europe. Protestant religion and culture were philo-Semitic; the Protestants who settled America had rebelled against a Catholic or Anglo-Catholic establishment in the name of a text that went back to the Jews.
[source: http://www.worldandischool.com/subscribers/searchdetail.asp?num=15619]
What do you think about that?
-------------
Protestant conviction and culture
Hart does not recall these historical facts without reference to a context. He knows that changes have occurred since the late eighteenth century, when over 98 percent of American society was Protestant. At the time, the small Catholic population, largely English and sprinkled with aristocrats, was predominantly in Maryland. Three-tenths of 1 percent of America's population consisted of Jews, almost all of them of Portuguese and Spanish antecedents. Though hostile to the Roman Catholic Church, Sephardic Jews profoundly respected Protestant Christians, who revered the Old Testament and who had given their coreligionists asylum in Holland and England.
Those circumstances conducive to a Protestant national culture in the early American republic began to disappear by the middle of the nineteenth century when immigrants from different cultural backgrounds came in increasing numbers. Perhaps the weakness in Hart's presentation is his failure to carry his conclusions far enough. Early America was not only Protestant in theological conviction but imbued with Protestant culture. Hart's extended quotations from the diary of George Washington provide a case in point. In his public statements Washington did appeal to natural religion in a thoroughly nondenominational fashion. But in private life and in personal writings, Washington, like Hamilton and Robert E. Lee, was a fervent Christian absorbed in meditation over Christ's atonement for his sins.
Hart notes that the founding of America took place amid Protestant religious awakenings, going back to the mid-eighteenth century. He is correct to infer that the fervor created by these awakenings rubbed off, in some cases, on the otherwise staid merchants, planters, and lawyers who established the American republic. He is also right to suggest that Protestant interests and Protestant theology pervaded their understanding of religious freedom. As dissenting (non-Anglican) Protestants, most of America's founders would have been excluded from holding office in England under the Test Acts. Moreover, a belief came to prevail among Calvinist Protestants that conversion, the result of divinely implanted faith, cannot and should not be demanded by the state. As this conviction grew widespread among American Protestants, they became increasingly reluctant to impose religious tests at the federal and, then, state levels. How could one expect another man to be redeemed by God simply by making such redemption the precondition for holding public office or owning property? The imposition of religious qualifications, from this Protestant point of view, was an invitation to personal dishonesty and spiritual hypocrisy.
All the same, even the most advanced orthodox Protestant advocates of religious freedom did not look forward to a secularized America. They assumed that the American people would remain attitudinally Protestant: committed to the enforcement of a biblically based public morality and to Protestant educational values, though not to the political imposition of any specific theological doctrine. Tolerance of Jews, for example, stemmed partly from the Protestant tendency to identify them with the ancient Israelites. Hart points to the charming confusion (without recognizing it as such) characteristic of Oliver Cromwell, Jonathan Edwards, and other Calvinists drenched in the Bible who associated modern Jews with the people of Moses, David, and Jesus. Though American Jews suffered political disabilities (as non-Protestants) until the 1840s in some states, they were not subject to public expressions of dislike. And they were viewed as culturally compatible with the descendants of the Puritans, who had tried at one time to make Hebrew their official language and who had taken Old Testament names. It was in fact Protestantism, Hart observes, that influenced some Jews to prefer America over Catholic Europe. Protestant religion and culture were philo-Semitic; the Protestants who settled America had rebelled against a Catholic or Anglo-Catholic establishment in the name of a text that went back to the Jews.
[source: http://www.worldandischool.com/subscribers/searchdetail.asp?num=15619]